The last time Thailand saw an exceptional parliamentary criticism that was not based on beliefs and therefore ended up benefiting the public was when the opposition uncovered the Sor Por Kor scandal in the early 1990s.
At the end of that criticism, the then Democrat-led government was humiliated and compelled to dissolve the House of Representatives after the opposition presented damning evidence that many plots of land given out under the Sor Por Kor 4-01 land reform scheme meant for helping poor farmers actually went to many wealthy individuals with political connections.
That criticism was followed by the opposition's economic and financial onslaughts on the Banharn and Chavalit administrations. Those post-Sor Por Kor criticisms were also effective and resulted in significant changes, but political bias started to play larger roles.
The Thaksin administration and other governments affiliated with the Shinawatra political empire dismissed criticisms as trivial. For instance, targeted ministers were moved before no-confidence moves could be initiated against them. The Thai public started to be told that criticism charges were made by those who did not agree with the Shinawatras ideologically.
Things went downhill during Prayut Chan-o-cha’s long rule. Most, if not all, criticisms, and the way they were conducted, primarily dealt with ideological issues. The Thai public themselves viewed criticisms as a clash of ideologies, not an opportunity to learn about hidden irregularities that rulers, regardless of their affiliation, tried to cover up.
This week was also disappointing. The “no-vote” criticism turned out to be a fight between Pheu Thai and Move Forward. One feels betrayed, and the other feels targeted due to recent past actions that some still disapprove of. What Thais got was a criticism that was too personal.
Move Forward failed to prioritize the police crisis, which was the most pressing issue for the common people. This is despite the fact that the “no-vote” nature of the debate was an opportunity to emphasize more and reveal less. The largest party did not take advantage of that and only mentioned the issue indirectly.
It was also a missed opportunity to show the Thai public that Move Forward does not just aim high but it can also address more immediate concerns. In its Facebook post urging the public to monitor its performance this week, Move Forward mentioned “political” prisoners but did not address larger problems facing law enforcement in Thailand.
Thaksin Shinawatra is a political matter. How he has been treated since his return from exile is an ideological issue that will take a long time to discuss. The brazen shooting of a police officer in front of senior colleagues at a dinner party at one of the best-known residences in Nakhon Pathom, and accusations of bribery by top police officials are not.
Any opposition would come out with full force if either of those two things happened, let alone them occurring in quick succession within six months. Instead, Move Forward’s Facebook listed criticism priorities as follows: uncertainties and lack of progress in the digital wallet program, the “sporadic” increases in labor wages, the continuous rise in electricity fees, the ongoing military conscription of Thai youngsters, and the current imprisonment of “some” political prisoners.
Censure is about prioritizing problems. The issues on the Move Forward list seemed less important compared to the chaotic police situation, which affects the lives of regular people. An MP calling it a 'low point' and criticizing the prime minister’s leadership of the Police Commission is not nearly sufficient.
It’s not that what MP Sasinan Thamnitinan said was incorrect. The issue is that she should have been supported by many party colleagues, and 90 per cent of the opposition's time should have been spent on this topic. This would have done a lot more in reshaping public opinions about the party.
Another Move Forward MP, Jorayuth Jatupornprasit, supported her and did what the rest of the party should have been doing. He presented what was claimed to be a list of corrupt police stations in Bangkok and other areas.
He also stated that he has the names of transportation businesses that have been paying the police and communicating with them through various online channels.
That was basically it. Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, who publicly admitted a few times that he didn’t know what to do with the ongoing 'smearing' campaign among police rivals, surely would not be able to believe his luck. Instead of emerging from the censure weakened by police-related attacks, his 'difficult' task during the censure was to defend his frequent trips abroad and appear serious when demanding 'evidence' to support alleged irregularities in naval spending.
Well-known lawyer Sittra Biabungerd has reportedly provided a lot of information about police corruption to the Move Forward Party, claiming his information could reveal a corrupt network at the highest level of the police force.
According to Sittra, who has been involved in several high-profile cases, police bribery is deeply ingrained, systematic, reaches the highest level, and involves a massive amount of money. It encompasses commonly-known 'grey' businesses like massage parlours, goods transportation, as well as some unexpected activities such as illegal Indian immigrants selling nuts or small employers hiring visa-less maids.
Srittra said he had to seek help from the opposition because the government was 'too slow' in addressing the police problem.
The Chuan government collapsed because of the Sor Por Kor 4-01 scandal exposed during a censure, where opposition attackers were far from being popular. Imagine a highly prominent political party telling the Thai public loudly and clearly that this police disgrace has to end and the one responsible for ending it is the Srettha government.
Tulsathit Taptim
